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The Turkoman Defeat at Cairo 
by Solomon ben Joseph Ha-Kohen 



EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES 

By JULIUS H. GREENSTONE, Ph.D. 



THESIS PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF PHILOSOPHY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF 
PENNSYLVANIA IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIRE- 
MENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF PH.D. 



Reprinted from the 

American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, 

January, 1906 



The Turkoman Defeat at Cairo 
by Solomon ben Joseph Ha-Kohen 



EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES 

By JULIUS H. GREENSTONE, Ph.D. 



THESIS PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF PHILOSOPHY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF 
PENNSYLVANIA IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIRE- 
MENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF PH.D. 



Reprinted from the 

American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, 

January, 1906 






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Gift 
ftrsity 



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PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS 



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THE TURKOMAN DEFEAT AT CAIRO. 

By Solomon ben Joseph Ha-Kohen. 

t EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES. 
By Julius H. Greenstone. 

THE MANUSCRIPT. . 

The fragment presented in this monograph is from the 
Schechter-Taylor collection of the Cambridge University Li- 
brary, No. 174; size 24.3X9.1 cm. The writing (text without 
margin) measures 23.5 X 8 cm. It is one of the Genizah frag- 
ments lately 1 unearthed by Professor Solomon Schechter in a 
ruined synagogue in Cairo, Egypt. . It consists of one leaf, 
written on both sides of the paper, each page being divided into 
two columns. The writing is in an old, square hand, with a 
strong turn to the cursive (Rashi script). The whole appears to 
have been written by one man with the same ink, although some 
of the vowels, as well as a few minor additions, seem to have 
been added later in a paler ink. The fragment as a whole is 
well preserved; the writing is clear; the paper, while somewhat 
yellowish and broken in folding, escaped the destructive hand of 
time and presents a fine appearance, as will be seen from the 
accompanying photograph. 

This fragment is not the original composition. It is a copy 
made either by the author himself or by someone else. This is 
indicated by the transposition of a few lines which the copyist 
placed in the wrong place and then, by explicit directions, indi- 
cated where the misplaced lines really belonged. L. 93, for 
example, is placed between 11. 99 and 100, and the copyist, by 
clear and unmistakable signs (DT12I1E1 ~bs to succeed the line 
beginning with the word DTI2SHE1), indicates the reinsertion of the 
line in its proper place. The same is the case with 1. 110, which 
is placed here between 11. 105 and 106, because there was a little 
room left; but the direction is given that it is to follow the line 

3 



4 Julius H. Greenstone 

beginning with the word TTidb below (bsctf). L. 146 is placed 
at the end of the poem, because the copyist omitted it from its 
proper position. LI. 120 and 121 are transposed, and are indi- 
cated as being so by the letters 2 and S added at the beginning 
of the lines. The last line, which contains the number of lines 
in the poem, is probably an addition of the copyist. 

On the margin, between 11. 145 and 147, there is inserted the 
word PTPTID, in a paler ink, but apparently by the same hand. 
This is probably of no particular significance. The word t321Z3 
seems to have been tampered with, but all indications point to 
the fact that the erasure as well as the correction was done by the 
same hand. 

The manuscript is provided with vowel-points and other dia- 
critical signs in a few places only, where the reading would 
otherwise not have been very clear. Thus, the 12 and the 123 are 
frequently indicated. The aspirate sounds of j, *J, 3, n, are 
indicated by a line over the letter. 2 The j and the 1 are most 
frequently so indicated, the S only twice (11. 128, 129), "j once 
(1. 70), the n twice (11. 3, 111). There is no instance of the 
H and 3 being indicated as aspirates. This, however, may be 
entirely accidental and does not warrant the conclusion that these 
letters were not aspirated. All the vowel-signs, known to us at 
present, ~, ~, T,'TT, T, 1, *!■, 7"> as well as the Sheva ~, occur 
in this fragment. Once the Patah occurs in the form of a vertical 
line under the letter, after the Arabic long Fatha over the letter, 
but here (1. 4) the vowel happens to be short. Peculiar is the 
combination of the short ~ with the long *|, the first to indicate 
that the vowel is short, and the second serving merely as a sign 
for the vowel u. 

The Arabic inscription on the second page was probably 
written before the paper was used for the poem. The writer of 
the Hebrew poem made use of a sheet that he found, leaving 
vacant the space occupied by the Arabic. Otherwise there would 
have been no reason for his leaving the spaces in the middle of 
cols. 3 and 4. The Arabic inscription itself is unintelligible. It 
is evident that the sheet was cut off from a larger sheet, the 
Arabic words being a continuation of the larger sheet. 



^ ^^^BBMBBB^^BPWI^^^^^^^^w Li. i . 



The Turkoman Defeat at Caieo 5 

HISTORICAL SKETCH. 3 . 

Al-Mustansir b'lllahi 'Abu Tammim Ma'add, the eighth Fati- 
mide caliph of Egypt, was one of the weakest and most effeminate 
of the rnlers who claimed descent from 'Ali and Fatima. His 
long reign over Egypt, Syria, and Palestine (427-87 A. H., 
1035-94 C. E.), the longest reign ever enjoyed by an oriental 
ruler, was marked with "events and incidents most shameful." 4 
The intrigues of his mother, a negro slave, presented to his father, 
al-Dahir, by Abu Sa'd Sahl ibn Hartin, a Jewish merchant, 
brought great misfortune to the people of Egypt, and was the 
cause of a revolt of the Turkish soldiers under Xasir ad-Daula, 
which, for a time, threatened the complete overthrow of the Fati- 
mide dynasty and the establishment of the Abasside rule in Egypt 
and Syria. The rise of the power of the Turkoman tribes under 
Tugrul Beg, Alp Arslan, and Malik Shah, who were faithful 
adherents of the orthodox Abasside caliph of Bagdad, favored 
such a change, and it was only through the wisdom and foresight 
of the vizier, Badr al-Jamali, that this was partly obviated. The 
end of Mustansir's reign saw Damascus and the greater part of 
Palestine go over into the hands of the Turkomans, who later 
became the rulers of the whole of Asia Minor. 

Tugrul Beg died soon after he succeeded in establishing peace 
in the provinces of the Abasside caliph, Al-Kaim, and in vanquish- 
ing the rebellious general Al-Bassasiri and his army (456, 1063). 
His nephew, Alp Arslan, succeeded him, and during his reign the 
rule of the Turkomans extended over a large area of Syria and 
Palestine. Alp Arslan soon made himself master of Aleppo, and 
one of his generals, Atsiz ibn 'Auk, wrested Palestine and Syria 
from the hands of the Fatimide caliph, Mustansir. He even suc- 
ceeded in vanquishing the Greeks and released the emperor, 
Romanus Diogenes, only after a large sum was paid for his ran- 
som (August, 1071). His rule, however, was soon cut short. 
When on an expedition in Turkestan, he was assassinated by one 
of the captured chiefs, in 1072. He was succeeded by his son, 
Malik Shah (1072-92), after a series of civiLwars, headed by his 
uncle, Kawurd. Malik Shah adopted a liberal policy with regard 
to his princes, which he extended even to those whom he had 
vanquished, allowing them full liberty to seek new kingdoms, i; so 
that many of the princes later erected their standards under the 
shadow of his scepter." 5 The affairs of Asia Minor and Syria 



Julius H. Greenstone 




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The Turkoman Defeat at Cairo 



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8 Julius H. Greenstone 

were delivered into the hands of his brother, Tutush, who estab- 
lished the Turkoman rule in these provinces on a firm basis. 

Matters in Egypt were meanwhile in a most miserable con- 
dition. "A great famine, the like of which had never been known 
since the days of Joseph the faithful, desolated Egypt for seven 
years; men ate the flesh of their fellow-men, and, it is said, a 
single piece of bread was sold for fifty pieces of gold." 6 Pesti- 
lence spread through the land in 448, when thousands died daily. 
As a result of these conditions, the soldiers were not paid regu- 
larly, and lawlessness and licentiousness spread through the army. 
The negro corps, which had the protection and support of the 
caliph's mother, and which was always hostile to the Turkish sol- 
diers, who constituted the regular army, became much stronger 
during this time, and the antagonism between the two parties 
frequently resulted in bloodshed. The court became entirely 
demoralized ; viziers and kadis were changed so frequently during 
these few years that the chronicler, always painstaking and scru- 
pulous, ceased recording even their names. 7 In 454 open feud 
broke out between the negro and the Turkish troops, and the 
country was thrown into a state of civil war, which lasted more 
than ten years. Nasir ad-Daula, the leader of the Turkish 
troops, held the caliph for a long period in utter subjection and 
destitution, burnt the -royal palace and the valuable royal library 
— a loss mourned by scholars to the present day — removed from 
Cairo all the adherents of the Fatimide dynasty, and contem- 
plated the complete overthrow of the Fatimide rule. It is sup- 
posed that he intended to proclaim himself the ruler of the land. s 
The other Turkish generals, however, soon saw through his scheme, 
and Ildeguz, one of his captains, by strategy, killed Nasir ad- 
Daula and two of his brothers, and was in consequence appointed 
to the office of vizier by the caliph, Mastansir. Ildeguz, how- 
ever, did not treat the caliph any better than his predecessor, and 
Mustansir was obliged to look elsewhere for assistance. Such 
assistance soon came from a man who, though of lowly origin, 
possessed the determination and power that make the true leader, 
and that crowned all his undertakings with glorious success. 

Abu-1-Najm Badr, an Armenian slave, purchased by the emir 
Jamal ad-Daula Ibn-Ammar in Syria, whence he obtained his 
name al-Jamali, was a man of a strong will and of an insatiable 
desire for power and glory. In 455 he was appointed common- 



The Turkoman Defeat at Cairo 9 

dant of the important stronghold of Damascus. The soldiers of 
the city, however, who would not submit to his stringent measures, 
rose in open revolt and drove him from the city, in 456. In 458 
he was again appointed commandant of Damascus, but because of 
another rebellion, Badr remained in ? Akko, as the mayor of the 
town for a number of years, whence he endeavored to check the 
constant progress of the Turkoman armies in Syria. In 466 
Badr was secretly appointed vizier by Mustansir. Badr accepted 
the appointment on the condition that he should be permitted to 
retain his Armenian corps, and that Ildeguz be taken prisoner. 
The conditions being granted, Badr arrived in Cairo on the eve 
of Wednesday, the 28th of Jumada I, 466. 9 He soon rid him- 
self of all the Egyptian emirs, divided their possessions among 
his own officers, and made himself master of the situation. Mus- 
tansir, overjoyed at the relief afforded him, showed Badr all 
honor, presented him with a precious garment, and conferred 
upon him the title of Emir al-Juyush (chief of the army) — an 
honorary title held only by a few prefects of Syria — and shortly 
afterward made him chief -kadi (Kadi-1-Kudat) and chief court 
preacher, thus giving him full power over both the secular and 
the religious affairs of the realm. Badr soon showed himself 
worthy of the trust put in him. As soon as he established him- 
self in his new position, he set out to restore peace and order in 
the land. In the course of three years he subjugated all the 
rebellious tribes on the coast (467) and in upper Egypt (469), 
showed mildness to the peaceful tribes, and placed the land in a 
condition of peace and prosperity, the like of which it had not 
enjoyed for many years. 

In spite of his stratagem and diplomacy, Badr was unable to 
check the steady advance of Turkoman arms in Syria and Pales- 
tine, under the leadership of Atsiz ibn 'Auk. Atsiz conquered 
Jerusalem and Ramla in 463, 10 and began to lay siege to Damas- 
cus in the same year. Not successful this time, Atsiz continued 
his onslaughts on Damascus every year, until 468, when, on 
account of a war that broke out in the city between the Berber 
soldiers and the young men of Damascus, the city was delivered 
into his hands, and the most frightful scenes of carnage ensued. 
Atsiz then introduced on the Friday Hotba, on the 26th of Du-1- 
IJijja, the name of the Abasside caliph al-Muktadi. The rule 
of the Fatimide dynasty over Damascus then ceased forever. 



10 Julius H. G-keenstone 

Emboldened by this victory, Atsiz determined to continue his 
expedition against the Fatimide caliph, and proceeded forthwith 
toward Egypt. He met with little opposition in Syria, and, in 
469, he suddenly appeared before Cairo, at the head of a large 
army of Turkomans, Kurds, and Arabs. His troops were given 
full freedom to look for booty in the outskirts of the capital, while 
Atsiz was negotiating with Badr about terms of peace. He was 
willing to depart from Egypt, if a large sum of money be given 
to him. Badr, however, only wanted to gain time until his troops, 
that were still in upper Egypt, should arrive, and until he made 
some other arrangements for the strengthening of his forces. 
With his native foresight, Badr was ready for defeat and had pre- 
pared vessels, wherein the caliph and himself could make their 
escape, in case Atsiz succeeded. By bribing the Turkomans 
under Atsiz, however, Badr was so gloriously successful in an 
engagement that took place at the beginning of the month Rajab 
that Atsiz, accompanied by only a small band of adherents, had 
to escape to Syria, after one of his brothers had been killed and 
another had lost his arm. In Damascus, where he left one of 
his brothers in command, everything was in good order, and 
Atsiz was so pleased with the reception accorded him that he 
relieved the citizens of the taxes for a whole year. The rest of 
Syria and Palestine, however, embraced this opportunity to throw 
off the yoke of the Turkomans, and again declared themselves for 
Mustansir and the Fatimide dynasty, so that Atsiz had to begin 
anew his work of conquest in these provinces. He took Jerusalem 
after a short siege, and put to death the kadi and other municipal 
officers, together with three thousand of the inhabitants of the 
city. He then proceeded to Graza^ and reduced to subjection the 
inhabitants of Syria as far as Al-Arish, close to the Egyptian 
boundary. In 471 Badr sent an army under Nasir ad-Daula to 
Damascus. Atsiz was compelled to call to his assistance the emir 
Tutush, the brother of Malik Shah who had been appointed 
prefect of Syria. Tutush hastened to his aid, the Egyptians 
withdrew without even attempting to oppose him, and Tutush 
was welcomed by Atsiz at the city gates. Tutush ordered Atsiz 
to be seized and executed on the spot, being probably prompted 
by a feeling of jealousy of Atsiz' previous victories, and made 
himself master of Damascus on the 11th of Rabi II, 472. 

Atsiz' siege of Cairo, and his subsequent shameful defeat at 



'i »> . . f > 



The Turkoman Defeat at Caieo 11 

the hands of Badr al-Janiali, form the burden of this poem. The 
exultation of the inhabitants of the Egyptian capital over the suc- 
cess of their vizier must have been very great and general among 
all the classes of the population. There might have been an 
additional reason that prompted this Jewish poet to rejoice over 
the defeat of the Turkomans. As appears from the poem, the 
conquest of Jerusalem by Atsiz was very sorely felt by the Jews. 
The author dwells at great length on the cruelties perpetrated 
against the inhabitants of the Holy City, and describes the defeat 
at Cairo as a direct retribution against the Turkomans. Besides, 
the Jews were greatly attached to the Fatimide dynasty, and 
especially to Mustansir, who treated them kindly and gave them 
many privileges. 

THE TEXT. 

The origin and development of mediaeval Jewish poetry have 
formed the subject of much scholarly investigation in modern 
times. The style, method, diction, and metre; the sources, both 
Jewish and "foreign, from which these poets have drawn their 
inspiration; the influences exerted upon them by contact with 
Arabic culture; the historical development of the payyetanic lit- 
erature; the special themes of the Jewish poets of the Middle 
Ages — all these received special treatment by men like Zunz, 11 
Delitzsch, 12 Dukes, 13 Geiger, u and others. We shall, therefore, 
confine ourselves here to a discussion of the characteristics that 
especially mark the production that is now under consideration. 

Our author follows in the footsteps of the earlier Jewish pay- 
yetanim in employing a language which, although mainly based 
on biblical Hebrew, diverges widely from it, both as regards the 
form of expression and the meaning attached to various words. 
All the payyetanim, being saturated with the Talmud and familiar 
with its mode of expression, frequently thinking of biblical pas- 
sages, not as they occur in the Bible, but rather in connection 
with the peculiar interpretation attached to them in talmudic 
and midrashic writings, indulged in allusions and metaphors 
that can be understood only by those who have imbibed the 
spirit of the rabbinical writings and are at home in the vast 
talmudic and midrashic literature. This fact will not appear 
strange, when we consider that the Hebrew language was known 
to these writers, not as a living tongue, but as a medium of reli- 
gious intercourse, and the religious intercourse of the Jews of all 



12 Julius H. Greenstone 

ages was mainly centered around the Talmud and the liturgy, 
which was in itself, to a large extent, produced by the rabbis. 
Hence, the subjects treated by these poets, being mostly of a 
religious nature, lending themselves readily to such figures as are 
employed in the talmudic Agada, were naturally colored by the 
peculiar mode of expression employed in that literature. Thus, 
while influenced to a large extent by Arabic poetry as regards the 
outward form, the Jewish poets always remained on Jewish soil, 
not only in thought and subject-matter, but also in diction, figure, 
and allusion. 15 

The chief peculiarity of this poem consists in its theme. In 
the whole realm of mediaeval Jewish poetry few poems can be 
found that deal with a historical event not intimately connected 
with the history of the Jews. That such poems have not come 
down to us in large numbers does not prove that they did not 
exist. It is very likely that some event of great importance 
stirred the soul of some Jewish poet to compose a song or an 
elegy, as the case might have required. It merely proves that 
the Jews of those times, and also of later years, were so much 
occupied with their own affairs, so much absorbed in the interests 
of their own religion and history, that they neglected to preserve 
poems that were not strictly Jewish. Persecution tends to make 
a people self-centered, especially when solidarity is regarded as 
the only remedy against entire annihilation. The limited horizon 
of the mediaeval Jews betrays itself chiefly in their devotion to 
their religion and its observances, and whatever had no direct 
bearing on faith and ritual was considered of little value. Shut 
up in the Ghetto by inimical external forces, the Jew voluntarily 
cramped his interests and aspirations, became callous to events 
occurring outside of the Ghetto walls, and regarded with indiffer- 
ence incidents that might have stirred the world, but did not 
directly affect him. Influenced by that particular view-point 
that the Jew was compelled to take with regard to the outside 
world, the poets, even those who did not confine themselves to 
purely religious themes, and wrote on love, wine, and play, pro- 
duced few poems that deal with secular history. It is therefore 
of particular interest to find a poem that has but a remote relation 
to Jewish religion, history, or life, written by a Jew and preserved 
in a Genizah in a Jewish synagogue. 

That the genius of the Hebrew language does not lend itself 



C^*jH\m 



The Turkoman Defeat at Cairo 13 

readily to a description of battles and sieges can be seen from 
this poem. Our author is not devoid of poetic genius, and in a 
few places the narrative is very vivid, and often highly poetic 
and even thrilling. Still, as a whole, this poem compares very 
unfavorably with the master-productions of men like Yehudah 
Halevi, Moses ibn Ezra, and Solomon ibn Grabirol. Influenced 
by the earlier school of payyetanim, whose language is obscure 
and whose figures are frequently forced, dealing with a subject 
that is foreign to the Jewish mind and to the Hebrew language, 
our author produced a poem that is, from the poetic standpoint, 
of mediocre value only. 

There is no particular form of metre followed in this poem, 
Most of the lines consist of twelve syllables, six in each hemistich, 
while many 16 follow the regular metre, very often employed by the 
payyetanim, corresponding to the Arabic Hazaj, 17 which consists 
of a composite syllable followed by two plain syllables, twice 
repeated in each hemistich. ls It is obvious that the author made 
no conscious effort to retain this metre all through his poem, 
since the exceptions are too numerous to allow such a suggestion. 
The rhyme, however, is strictly observed, all lines, with a few 
exceptions, 19 ending in D"£. This is the simplest and easiest 
rhyme, since it was of little consequence to change a singular 
into a plural or a feminine into a masculine in order to get this 
ending. The author does not follow the alphabetical acrostic, 
common in mediaeval Jewish poetry, nor does he make an acrostic 
of his own name, according to the practice of the payyetanim. 
He introduces his poem with a quotation from the book of Psalms 
■ — a book with which he was very familiar — in place of the regular 
Arabic introduction, "In the name of the most merciful God." 
Some might detect in the first five hemistichs an attempt to 
form an acrostic on the tetragrammaton, a practice largely fol- 
lowed by the later Jewish writers in introducing their composi- 
tions. This, however, might have been entirely accidental. The 
beginning of the poem in 1. 3 bears direct signs of Arabic 
influence. 20 

Our author freely indulges in creating new forms for words, 
both in forming plurals for nouns and conjugations for verbs. 
He does not go quite as far as the earlier payyetanim, who 
created, as Zunz 21 puts it, "ephemeral creations," formed for a 
certain purpose, without any intention to have them become a 



14 Julius H. Greenstone 

part of the language. Still, he frequently deviates from biblical 
usage in the formation of words and phrases, in most cases for 
the sake of the rhyme or of completing a line. Of the peculiar 
plural formations 2 " may be mentioned such forms as DTE2T (1. 100), 

dtqto, d-'bta (i.ioi), dTa"., D-baraiD (l.ni), treic^ (l. 129), 

and others; of masculine endings given to feminine nouns may 
be mentioned such as d^afe) (1. 98, from HtibS)-), dTCpa (1.99, 
from n-^D), d"En (11. 109, 142, from ffiji), d^CSl (1. 125, 

from n"i£), d'raw (i. 127, from rraizw), cro-a (1. 137, from 

»l"-hlll), and others. Our author, like many of the other pay- 
yetanim, is very fond of rare words and hapaxlegomena. As 
examples of these may be cited H'23 (1. 9), T*IB1E (1. 38), 
d?n (1. 85), d?3> (1. 133), rnp (1/140), and others. Great 
liberty is taken by the author in making new forms for verbs. 
Besides using verbs in conjugations not found in the Bible, the 
author also creates new forms, especially when the rhyme requires 
it. A legitimate liberty is taken by him in treating verbs mediae 
geminatae after the analogy of triliterals, as. D^m for DIlIj 

(1.3), nywn for dtin (i. is) , d^ann for dnn (i. 26), which, 

however, does not occur in the Hiphil. 

A characteristic of this poem is the frequent use of the con- 
junction 1 in the beginning of lines — a usage frequently followed 
by Arabic 23 and Hebrew 24 writers when dealing with subjects that 
require vivid description. Nearly two-thirds of the lines of this 
poem begin with 1 — a fact that adds vivacity and grace to the 
description, although much discouraged by more modern writers. 
The conjunction d3 is also used here very often (about fifty -three 
times) , obviously for the same reason. Free use is made of the 
particle b, which is used not only to express the indirect object, 
or with the infinitive to express purpose, but also with verbs that 
usually take the direct object (e. g., 11. 16, 35, 47, 51, et al.). ( Hher 
peculiarities in style and diction will be noted in the notes to 
the text. 

THE AUTHOR. 

The name of the author of this poem, as given at the end of 
the manuscript, Solomon, son of Joseph, Ha-Kohen, is unknown 
to Jewish history. The poem itself throws but little light on the 
life of its author. It can, however, be safely assumed thai he 
was an inhabitant of Fostat or Cairo, and thai he lived al fche 
time during which the incident narrated here took place. None 



The Turkoman Defeat at Cairo 15 

but an eyewitness conlcl have described the siege of Cairo, and 
the incidents attendant upon the appearance of the enemy at its 
gates, with such minuteness. The high tribute paid to al- 
Mustansir and to his vizier Badr indicates that the author lived 
during the latter part of the reign of Mustansir. The knowledge 
thaUthe author displays of events occurring at that time in Syria 
and Palestine points to the same conclusion. These, however, 
are all the internal evidences of the identity of our author. 

More light is thrown upon the descent and family relations of 
our author by the epithet he attaches to his name. He calls him- 
self D""j*1Kj "" (a descendant of Geonim). and this appellation gives 
us a clue as to his origin. Among the Genizah fragments, lately 
discovered by Professor S. Schechter, there is one. known as 
Megillat Abyathar. 20 which is of greatest importance to mediaeval 
Jewish history. Professor W. Bacher"" thinks that a new chapter 
must be added to Jewish history, as constructed from this frag- 
ment. From this document we learn that the office of the Gaonate 
existed in Palestine for a considerable time, after it had ceased in 
Babylon with the death of Hai Gaon. The Megillat Abyathar 
presents the contention that existed at that time (1083) about the 
religious jurisdiction over the Jews of Egypt and Palestine. \Te 
shall present here a few facts, gathered from this and from other 
writings, which have a direct bearing upon the descent and rela- 
tions of the author of our poem. 

Hai. son of Sherira. gaon of Pumbedita. died in 1038. The 
gaonate in Babylon, which was intrusted with the Jewish reli- 
gious affairs for nearly four and a half centuries, then came to a 
close. For a short time 2, after the death of Hai, the office of the 
gaonate was assumed by Hezekiah, the exilarch. but this was 
merely nominal — a shadow of the original position. Already 
during the life of the last gaon, Hai, there is mention of the 
existence of an academy in Palestine, which assumed the same 
functions as those exercised by the academies presided over by 
the Babylonian Geonim. 2 " In a fragment, published by Dr. Neu- 
bauer, 29 Solomon ben Yehudah is mentioned as the gaon of Pales- 
tine in 1016. so Joseph, the son of Solomon, is supposed to have 
been the gaoii until 1051, when he died. 31 The gaonate then 
passed over to Daniel ben Azariah. a scion of the exilarch 
family. When Daniel died in 1062, 32 Elijah, the brother of 
Joseph, became gaon and ruled the Diaspora until 1091. When 



16 Julius H. Greenstone 

Jerusalem was wrested from the hands of the Fatimide caliph by 
Atsiz ibn 'Auk in 107 1, 33 the gaon and his academy moved to 
Tyre. Abyathar, the son of Elijah, became gaon after his father's 
death, and, in order to vindicate his position against the pre- 
tenses of David ben Daniel, the descendant of the Babylonian 
exilarchs, who was proclaimed exilarch in Egypt, where he had 
many supporters, and attempted to make also the Palestinian 
Jews bow to his authority, Abyathar wrote the above-mentioned 
Megillah (1094). While Abyathar remained in Tyre, the next 
generation of geonim lived in Egypt. 34 

There can be but little doubt that this Solomon ben Joseph 
Ha-Kohen, the descendant of Geonim, was a member of the illus- 
trious family of Palestinian Geonim, who prided themselves on 
their priestly descent. It is, however, uncertain whether he was 
the son of Joseph who died in 1054. The fact that Joseph lived 
in Palestine, while our author was apparently an inhabitant of 
Fostat, would not militate against this supposition. The Jewish 
communities of Egypt and Palestine were at that time united by 
many ties. While during the lifetime of Joseph there seemed to 
have been a feud between these communities on account of the 
intrigues of Daniel ben Azariah, 35 after the death of the latter, in 
1062, peace was restored, and the Egyptian Jewish community 
willingly submitted to the authority of the Palestinian Geonim. 36 
It is therefore not at all improbable that, after the death of his 
father, Solomon should have settled in Egypt. His praises of 
Mustansir and of the government in general, although the govern- 
ment had supported Daniel, 37 is not at all strange. The Jews 
were always well disposed toward the Fatimide caliphs and 
neglected no opportunity to express their gratitude for the kind 
treatment accorded them. This was especially so in the case of 
Mustansir, toward whom the Jews entertained the most friendly 
feelings. 38 Joseph probably died young, since his brother Elijah, 
who succeeded him in the gaonate, lived thirty years after Joseph's 
death. 30 Solomon, the son of Joseph, might have been quite a 
young man in 1077, when the event narrated in this poem 
occurred. In a testatum, copied from Fragment T.-S. 20. 31, 
dated 1092, and apparently written in Fostat, a Solomon Ha- 
Kohen, son of Joseph, "the father of the academy," 40 is men- 
tioned. It is very tempting to identify this Solomon with the 
author of our poem. 









The Turkoman Defeat at Cairo 17 

Among the Genizali fragments now in the possession of David 
Werner Amram, Esq., of Philadelphia, there is one that bears 
directly upon onr subject, and that may serve to clear up the 
genealogy of this gaonic family. It is a prayer, probably read in 
the synagogue on the sabbath, for the souls of illustrious dead, 43 
and contains the names of Geonim, Negidim, rabbis, and so forth. 
In the list of the family of Geonim, the following passage occurs, 
which rather conflicts with the accepted theory about this family: 
"For the good memory of the dead, the memory of the Geonim 
of Israel .... until our lord and master Solomon Ha-Kohen y 
the chief of the academy Geon Jacob, 42 and his son Elijah Ha- 
Kohen, the chief of the academy Geon Jacob, and his brother 
Joseph Ha-Kohen, the father of the court of justice for all 
Israel." 43 The fact that Joseph is mentioned after Elijah, and is 
not given the regular title of "chief of the academy Geon Jacob," 
borne by the other Geonim, but is called the "father of the court 
of justice," is rather perplexing. In view of this fragment and of 
other evidences, I beg to submit the following theory: 

It was customary for the eldest son of a gaon to bear the title 
of "father of the court of justice," or that of "father of the 
academy." These two titles seem to have been interchangeable,, 
so that one and the same man might be called at one time by one 
title and another time by the other. 44 It is probable that Joseph,, 
the eldest son of the gaon Solomon, also bore this twofold title 
during the lifetime of his father. Soon after Solomon's death,. 
Daniel ben Azariah, supported by the government, began his feud 
against the Palestinian gaonic family, and prevented Joseph from 
assuming the title of gaon, so that Joseph was really never recog- 
nized officially as gaon, and remained up to his death with the 
title of "father of the court of justice" or "father of the academy." 
The fact that Abyathar in his Megillah designates him as gaon, 45 ^ 
merely proves that he recognized him as such, but in official 
documents, such as the memorial prayer and the testatum, he was 
known only by his official title. Solomon, the son of Joseph, 
was perhaps too young at the time of Daniel's death, when peace 
was restored in the community, to claim the title of gaon, which 
really belonged to him by right of descent, he being the son of 
Joseph, the eldest son of Solomon. Thus the gaonate passed 
over to Elijah, Solomon's uncle. In 1082, however, when Elijah 
called a meeting of all Israel at Tyre and appointed his son 



> .frj m * m m ii h i mmmmammmmn — mmmmW m*mm ■— »■ 



18 Julius H. Greenstone 

Abyathar as his successor in the gaonate, his son Solomon as the 
"father of the court of Justice," and a stranger, Zadok, son of 
Josiah, as "the father," 46 Solomon, son of Joseph, was displeased, 
and perhaps gave his support to David, the son of Daniel, the 
exilarch, who attempted to wrest the authority of the Palestinian 
Geonim. The testatum quoted above was drawn up in "the great 
court of the lord David the exilarch, son of our lord Daniel Gaon, 
the Nasi of all Israel" ; hence Solomon withheld from mentioning 
his father's name as Joseph Gaon, but refers to him merely as 
"father of the academy," the title which he held officially. This 
would still further explain the reason for the great adulation the 
author gives in this poem to Mustansir and his court, who is 
similary praised by David in another fragment. 47 This suggestion, 
although not essential to the establishment of the identity of our 
author, merits some consideration at the hands of scholars. I 
expect, in the near future, to publish the memorial prayer in 
Mr. Amram's collection. 







THE TEXT. 






Column 1. 




* 9 D"a 


1 -pab ^ 


dtq 


^n 


^na aim 


:nn 


tai 


nro iica 



tYMba "pi sin 

ba mabsa 51 rrarn 

Drann 55 Tip mm u ^p rrnb b-sn Dm 

5 "D^b^n T^n niD» bran -b^n 

"bran anain vn nbbau ■vjaricBba 

58 DTafpb rrtv oil ' ilttfi sra i*b it 

"DTtrbiDh "desman D-aro p ]rcn 

"D-aia m 62 rtinsb "pTrasn rsn col 

io "travibb Dmrass trarrian vip? can 

"ffwa tj irp^'m mbos' "rasp oraarai 

DT3» bw cna bsn dtdki bsb wan am "ttdk 

w trabs» raw ab idwd ii» i"n» -rdk 

crisp bsi trsia bs b2 "rano innn to« 

15 DTMH DjI Dbp D:0 btf 70 13237 "orbsrft 

"trzn'^bp Dm na« DtYflintfi DMTab 

D^bi3?b ^^nb^^ irnb« "row 

"tTEWDtt Dim ms« 1*135 b31 TW031 

20 "trmTQ Town "Tinn "pT D^anni 



The Turkoman Defeat at Cairo 



19 



78 D^s bsn iniT3?b 
trey bsb win 80 d? blao 

25 85 CTD1\-ni HTn nl^H 

87 D^nn Dai n ^ "rem 

D^rsnn D'mzrn 

d-hs Dai DWitn 

93 dht Dair-ii^b Dai 

30 ^nran ib?s iisn 

D-aiiar! m* Dai 

d^d abi nittp abi 

"tr^bn abi Drain abi 

D"»Bb ta-ri-ri Dai 

35 101 Q^inn ba in.^pnb 

l0 ?crc5»n m> tm Dai 

10i D"^plD1 D'ntDlM 

D'ot -jisir Dai 'inn 

106 D^DHn inns Dai 

40 "■ trepan itw Dai 

"'D-BRb didki Dai 

DTaiistf D-nirra Da 

owed U4 n3t23K niD2 

our M rmm lam-n 

45 irncipria 118 Dbi-ab ™*\m 

Column 

Disritfa una aifflb 

D^ira iiaii ten 

123 d^1iki D*&r:r:n 

127 D^r\-im ^otihpii 

50 «D-^br,5 xb "D'tilW 

'"tra^Bi'iDb rn Dai 

'"DiaYrcto birab Dai 

DTdph m 134 ibnm 

irato Dn nircabi 

55 '"DTcnro Drrrab 

"■Eresw Dnwi 

"■Dior Dai met "on 

* Drawn oni^ni 



■j'ttwn ninan 

inis iniaizr 

irns 79 -b rr 1 - 

nrmai nra?j nnp 

Si nrrre "nrp 82 -ni 

"isa Dai it* b»b 

^n ba la 88 toizrn Dai 

^rfips mn Ira itd» 

"D-FniD bs "n^bwuDi 

*-rani "rn bab 

96 Di-ncnb 95 Diwm 

pip »bi nra aba 97 

D-iia abi nama abi 

"miTaseb i-sri Dai 
a , 1K ioo -^ nprs D:n 

rvnmn i^nn 

D^iap wi 

105 Tiara iian jdmi 

mruri iba Dai 

107 iT"^na it d? Dm 

110 D^bll237J m U^'CTu2 ■ 

112 m:nip D-iznib Dai 
113, ]1T5 Dai rrap Dai 

1,6 D^S Iffi IpJSI 

D-rnsnb trrrnb 



d^ ^bas 119 inland 

120 D^b:j DDl^bbl 
122 D^itf 121 D-nnil>"j 

D-atam d^i Dai 

131 Dninbn irraizn 

D^raan Kin 133 -b72:i 

n m Tc m c omiwi 

Dnaia Dai D-nms Dm 

ibrami ibrassi 

"inwnra robin 

DtVlDTO btf H3T1 



s» 



^ ■1- > «» ■« '■ %l^.. 



■I J I* »■ 



■ ■ n 



20 



60 



Julius H. Greenstone 



65 



70 



75 



80 



85 



""trapti bs ermsri 



'd^cwi dh 



141 — • 
I 



to^i 



DPttblBYrtl ^ISSM 

»«t3TCM "Sid d^tz; -ma 
DWipan trnnm 

cnra cwm b? 

trassn labium 

crate m nicnb 

lu trewn rb? aw 

D^aifin ^b? trawi 

146 train nn ^jDtob 

mawi no^'nb 

tnreiDHI D'U'HEal 

dTtfwn 148 isir>rpi 

D^bira q»n dsi 
149 dot Da^nb 

Drpn'i D'n-sssi 
DraiV&n nvnbi 

150 DTarn D^-onl 

DreYlCS T3WM1 

""DTcwtab wen 

main on muni 

154 DTaran maps 

DTairr b? icn abi 

'"dtwo DtiiiaDni 

"•■traann Drraani 

""D-ffinrra rnbi 

169 D^ibab Da-nsnb 

162 D^HTD I61 DT1 



una bs ^ba omri 

D^rsrmni Db^sni 

D3> DnlTO 131 Dai 

onb nsn nir» 
EPtnan iB*na Dai 

DTWn TXXpl 

T*n na mmc-i 

triapn iz^nm 

mina in Dai 

rara tram 

D^ini D^tfHI 

145 D-b^ ba ba trpnx 

nb^bh bi irust? 

D^nn-j Baiwn 

U7 mr«an im 

D"S"n b? trial* Dm 

D^jTXH CTOTtl 

D^TDinbrn ibbiri 
tvnw laaizr nai 
D"J» "ID TOT »bl 

d^it Dai ni:n Dai 
D-warn D^n Dai 

151 D^j1D ^2 ITDWITI 

T?n h 5n bb i»i 

153 DS123 b* D^DI? Dai 

ni"jbx tarn abi 

DWin'on on-n^i 

tram on D-rnc 

trbOTs an 158 D-bib*m 

bs iznpab 160 ba arpi 



90 



94 
95 



Column 3. 

"■DTebra Da nriba 

^D^cren m 

"tm dt trraai 

Diainnn Tpev "inn 

crcwa i»t abi 

'"o^n^n ^bna d? 

eratoi men ann 



wpo a'i"i b? 



Dt i u. 

ba mm mn 

D^yawi trraHffi 

n-mnb rime nan 

'"trOT nrw Dinar 

mpr Dn*bj ann 

nsc: Dtf DDIDW 



The Tubkoman Defeat at Caibo 



21 



93 
100 



105 
110 
106 

111 
115 



121 

120 
122 



125 



trwA nbrc art 
d-rand 
"■trffnp by isdna 
trwrn t,»n ara 

169 dmbnn tn »Vi 
"•tnm on mm*bi 

m dmirs trrrorib 

"■dmibn b$ obtain 

dmrai nbmn bipa 

bsca 



m mr»nri ^p ma 

dmindb nns D31 

n9 D-;^i J78 ait: iron 

m tnr drtwa 180 nma 

182 trw» nsircn 

dm$ boi er^o bsb 

trersrab wn dan 

trnn h :a wia "Daa 

"trarsm rmr» am 

trtTSTai trbittora 

187 dma*(a) snbab 

■ '"trw wnicna arm 

"•mra D31 wtp rictaa 

"'drnifnn ba *b om) 

""trwrr -p mep 

"■DTdto d*aba arm 

19 *dmbsai trwn ma 

dma dsi maa -oa 

196 dmm Dj n^bbn tn 

I97 dmwn isr cm 



ba era dcera 

d^iplfin d"tfi:r,i 

mbv a*tfr wi 

a^raTi nc dsi 

rvtrsn lain ny\ 

DTarrea rn am 

a^iab Tajn -tk 

mab qba 
l74 d8dta mb -pba m"l 
175 Quanta orrwi 

t ; 

trbrm rnbirm arc 
"btw ^ba is mwi 

na a'jr m mab 

naibBn to ba y-n &ch 

mnsp ma nymn 

crtrob nam 183 -p 

bmaw trim 184 5^i 

wnam srra aran aan 

"■mstnam trawm 

■paa ara ana sal 

trp t\±y Tan ins 

189 bse -la brani 

arnaa ^a Tpcwi a 

-br mp cnroi a 

trbna D^Db7j naab 

trarM wn ba msi 

dsbn abi dn abi 
195 nr5sa wis tji 

BTPTD»1 mai 



Column 4. 



130 



■traiasi na; n^ar 

"raw by mnfn 
"•trwrai bra ran 



"•rrrr mi rm mi 

d^bral dirai 

trwfinn laa d^i 



■jrtjn 



*iaara 



,L. 



S2 ^B 



***s~ 



- - - .-.. 



"*• 



ci J , i ■*!_> mm 



22 



Julius H. Gkeenstone 



135 



140 



145 
147 



146 



150 



D-armpa Dstrpl 

207 D^^SD diT2 10*1 

209 d-wi ^zab rrti 

D-Eimb 1 ] rvrnb 

D^n ffii wbinb 

"D^; d"nrn d'nan 

■"trttnbi 212 n^incbi 

Dram "avai noMn 

n^m bis itopai 

214 D"?sn iz&nb nrrn 

rsba a^baa isha -a 

d^abitfi d^Tati 

D-aam roaapi 

d'Sizhl tnn; izhnb 

T T 

217 d"Di^3 73 -pin- p 
218 D^S3 rim bsi 

220 d^:sD ot 



D-itrob ms dai 

2W nir-^b dnbroi 

D'nrotrd rn T "nz5» 

2,J6 d:^n b? drra at 

cran^an b"bEE ran 

*°rebiDTEf dnbn:i 

nnrira iwpann 

DlTasn d^rr d3i 

rfmbi y-pb 

ncj"-in riw^"- nil 

manim nipro iro 



nana si:r wra 

rrn "pub tam 

d^am qtan d:< 

n»ira »-« "ara or 

irpsrb Tbnni nD*j; 
■jinsn Kin rrcbiD 

rpn dj -bs 

rp- 219 :i:(t:)p naB n:^n dsi 



\ 



TRANSLATION. 

The Lord judgeth nations; the Lord, forever and ever; 

He is the judge of widows, and He is the father of orphans. 

Hast thou seen the wonders of God, which he did and also completed ? 

How he saved the house of ' Ali, the dwellings of Kedar, the perfect — 
5. The great king who relateth hidden things, 

Al-Mustansir bTllahi, Ma- ad Abu Tamim, 

May he live forever in abundance of good, and may he be estab- 
lished eternally, 
■ The priest, son of priests, the pure, the perfect — 

And also his sons, who long for the priesthood, the sons of nations — 
10. And also his servants, who love to battle at the risk of their lives, 

And at their head, the captain of the hosts, (may He who dwells in 
the upper abodes grant him life), 

Who is chief over all chiefs, of all peoples and of all nations, 

Whose light is like the light of the sun, who is not' abashed like 
those who are ashamed, 

Whose sword is sharpened against all enemies and all those that 
rise up against him; 



• — " • "■ - 



The Turkoman Defeat at Cairo 23 

15. God appointed him to destroy them, and he did indeed destroy 
them and laid waste 

Their walls and their palaces, which they built on the heights. 

And cut off their heads; a righteous judgment against the guilty! 

May our God strengthen him, may he strengthen him forever! 

And his servitors and all his servants, whose odor is fragrant, 
20. And at their head, the glorious old man, distinguished in honors, 

The faithful friend, (he and the king) like twin brothers; 

May our Creator preserve him, help him at every turn ! 

May it please you, our lord, beloved of the people, head of all nations. 

Accept tribute and repose, many blessings and much peace. 
25. And give cassia of the only one, with much thought and devotion, 

To God who helped and saved, who destroyed the enemy and 
utterly confounded (them), 

And rejoiced the children of the living God, the upright, the per- 
fect ones. 

Who did much charity, and afflicted themselves and also fasted, 

And prayed for weeks, both day and night. 
30. To the living God, the Almighty, the Rock, whose work is perfect. 

And he granted their prayers for protection, and answered them 
from on high, 

(Although they came) without meal-offering, without sacrifice, with- 
out incense, without spices, 

Without prophecy, without Urim, without Tumim. without dreams. 

And He ensnared the enemy and often overthrew them, 
35. And he lured on the enemy to bring them to the boundary. 

And they crossed the streams, and passed over the lagoons. 

And they were like (mortal) foes, as those who are vindictive and 
revengeful, 

And they entered Fostat. robbed and murdered, 

And ravished and pillaged the storehouses; 
•iO. They were a strange and cruel people, girt with garments of many 
colors, 

Armed and officered — chiefs among "the terrible ones'' — 

And capped with hemlets, black and red, 

With bow and spear and full quivers; 

And they trumpet like elephants, and roar as the roaring ocean, 
45. To terrify, to frighten those who oppose them, 

And press forward as the waves of the sea, they cunningly devise 
their retreat, 

And they stammer with their tongues, they endeavor to beguile with 
craftiness; 

They are mingled of Armenians, Arabs, and Edomites, 

And Greeks and Germans, Paphlogonians and Turks; 
50. And they are wicked men and sinners, madmen, not sane. 

And they laid waste the cities, and they were made desolate 

And they rejoiced in their hearts, hoping to inherit. 



*JU J ! ■ H« ' f^.*. ' 



24 Julius H. Greenstone 

But when (their chief) consulted the soothsayers, the diviners 
mocked him. 

And they broke camp, and placed (men) in ambush, 
55. And they hastened in fear, and also told their servants, "let us 
depart from the boundary ! " (?) 

And they stumbled and became weak, and their eyes were blinded, 

And they were caught in the net — the sons of adultery. 

And God remembered their iniquities and their sins that are sealed, 

And their evil deeds against all men, that they harassed all creatures. 
60. And He overthrew them and humbled them and crushed all the 
hopeful among them. 

He also remembered what they had done to the people of Jerusalem, 

That they besieged them twice in two years, 

And burned the heaped corn and destroyed the places, 

And cut down the trees and trampled upon the vineyards, 
65. And surrounded the city upon the high mountains, 

And despoiled the graves and threw out the bones, 

And built palaces, to protect themselves against the heat, 

And erected an altar to slay upon it the abominations; 

And the men and the women ride upon the walls, 
70. Crying unto the God of gods, to quiet the great anger, 

Standing the whole night, banishing sleep, 

While the enemy destroy, evening and morning, 

And break down the earth, and lay bare the ground, 

And stand on the highways, intending to slay like Cain, 
75. And cut off the ears, and also the nose, 

And rob the garments, leaving them stand naked, 

And also roar like lions, and roar like young lions; 

They do not resemble men, they are like beasts, 

And also harlots and adulterers, and they inflame themselves with 
males, 
80. They are bad and wicked, spiteful as the Sodomites. 

And they impoverished the sons of nobles, and starved the delicately 
bred. 

And all the people of the city went out and cried in the field, 

And covered their lips, silent in their pains, 

And they had no mercy on widows, and pitied not the orphans. 
8&. What should they do, whither should they seek protection, since 
their sins are recorded? 

Their princes led them astray, their chiefs, the wise ones; 

They are robbers and thieves, they are wise only to do evil ; 

Children rule over them, leading them with a halter. 

But God was jealous for his sanctuary, and scattered them over- 
whelmed. 
90. Because of their evil deeds, the revealed and also the hidden: 

They changed the laws of God, they multiplied iniquities, 

They are murderers rfnd slanderers, cause blood to touch blood, 



The Turkoman Defeat at Cairo 25 

And new sins were added to the early ones, 

To lower them to the pit of destruction, into the depths of the deep; 
95. He will destroy them, He will wipe off their memory, and they 

shall not see pleasantness, 
A burning shall be upon them, even burning coals : 
Should we attempt to count their sins, it would be a shame and a 

disgrace. 
Because of their violence, God was wroth and sent vengeance, 
And he came, destroyed the world, with much wrath and anger, 
100. And He also withheld the early rain, also dew and rain, 
The springs were dried up and the beds were not watered. 
They were like Sodomites, they resembled (the people of) Gomorrah. 
Then he allowed the enemy to prevail, in order to uproot them 

(later) with utter destruction. 
And the Assyrians and the Northerners, he led them for the purpose 

of striking them down. 
105. And the enemy came to the fortress, with a noise of roaring and of 

thunder, 
With much-dancing and with banners, like the horns of the Re'em. 
And the enemy entered the treasury, and opened the hidden places 
And the enemy went to Damascus, with a happy star and with 

songs, 
And they captured it and dwelt therein, for about two hundred days. 
110. And they expected to reign in Fostat, but their eyes were blinded. 
And they came in haste to the royal city, that is protected by clouds, 
That is known as Cairo, to all peoples and all nations. 
And there came forth the camp of the saved ones, and among them 

was the chief of the wise, 
And placed flags like columns, for the sons of Kush, the sons of 

Ham. 
115. And the chief came with great anger and with great terror, 
And Arabians and Hagrites, to the left and to the right. 
And the enemy came with much arrogance, to swallow up the 

nations. 
But the Rock brought to naught the counsel of nations, He made 

of none effect the devices of peoples. 
And their star declined, the daughters of Arcturus and Pleiades, 
120. And the hosts of f Ali conquered them — the saved, the descendants 

of Zamzumim; 
The children of Abraham cried [and the merciful God harkened], 
To him who smites great kings and slays mighty kings. 
And God commanded that the enemy should be like the deaf and 

the dumb, 
And he did not favor them, and He did not save them — the wor- 
shipers at high places, 
1.25. And ere He turned to their supplication, they were slain and 

dead(?), 



^ % » n K i^ww ^iwmn ni< i n 1. 1 it i j ^ i^ ^ ■ ■ i m mi i i'» »<-»w^w^w^w<igi 



26 Julius H. Greenstone 

And their heads were cut off, and their souls fled away. 

He who was and will be saith these words. 

And they robbed them and spoiled them, and vanquished them by 
cutting them off. 

And their chiefs came, with baskets upon their shoulders, 
130. Seeking the accustomed favor of the king, and a happy fate by 
their submission (?), 

But he commanded to crush them and to cut them up with axes, 

And sent them to the provinces to heal the sorrowful hearts, 

(Of those) who were like drunken men, whose spirits were troubled, 

Some of them remained sound, others were wounded. 
135. And the mouth that boasted of great things, became like a speech- 
less stone. 

And their corpses were cast to the wild beasts and animals, 

And the remainder of their bodies, for worms and lizards, 

And the remainder they gathered up in large heaps of bones, 

For summer and winter, for autumn and spring. 
140. And this is the work of the Tester, who protecteth with the multi- 
tude of His compassion. 

Do ye charity and give thanks and pray to God with song. 

The stone that the builders rejected is become the corner-stone. 

He shall enter with song, for the binders of the sheaves were 
favored. 

Ye shall live to see the building of the House, the Temple, and its 
halls, 
145. Also the children and the women, the daughters and the sons, 

For the word of God is upright, and all His works are faithful. 

The second day, four were left in the month of Shebat, and in years y 

The year 4837 from the creation, and from the destruction (of the 
Temple) 1009. 

Solomon, he is the priest, son of Joseph, descendant of Geonim. 
150. And if you would count, count 149 (spell "destruction"). It is 
more precious than pearls. 

REFERENCES. 

1 In the autumn of 1896; cf. Jewish Encylopedia, Vol. V, s. v.; D. Kauffmann, in the 
Hebrew monthly Hashiloah, Vol. 11, pp. 385, 481. Many of these fragments have been edited 
and published in various issues of the Jewish Quarterly Review (1896-1905) and other 
magazines. 

I wish to extend my sincere thanks to Professor S. Schechter, now president of the 
Jewish Theological Seminary of America, for his kindness in permitting me the use of the 
manuscript, and for many valuable suggestions. 1 also take this opportunity to express my 
gratitude to Professor Morris Jastrow, Jr., of the University of Pennsylvania, lor innumer- 
able courtesies shown to me both in the preparation of this monograph and during the years 
that I took various courses with him. 

'<* Raphe; cf. Konig, Lehrgeb&ude der hebr&ischen Sprache (Leipzig, 1881), Vol. I, p. 41; 
Gesenius-Kautzsoh, Hebrdische Grammatik (Leipzig, 1889), £142. 

■'(The main sourco for this sketch is Wiistonfeld. Qeschichte der Fatimiden Clutlifen, in 
"Abhandlungen der konigl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen," Vol. XXVII 
(Gottingen, 1881). 



The Turkoman Defeat at Cairo 27 

iMakrizi, Vol. I, p. 355; cf. Ibn Khallikan, Biographical Dictionary, translated by 
de Slane (Paris, 1842), Vol. Ill, p. 382. 

5 Gibbons, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. Smith (London, 1887), Vol. VII. 
pp. 155-66; cf. Mailer, Der Islam in Morgen- und Abendlande (Berlin, 18S5), Vol. I, p. 636. 

6 Ibn Khallikan, loc. cit. 

"'Cf. Wiistenfeld, loc. cit., pp. 26-28, who quotes ^ujuti (Bulak), Vol. II, pp. 92 and 117, 
where a list of thirty-nine viziers and forty-two chief kadis is given. 

8 See Wiistenfeld, loc. cit., p. 36. 

SMakrizi, Vol. I, p. 382; cf. Ibn Khallikan, loc. cit., Vol. I, pp, 612, 613, where a vcry 
interesting incident is related about the advent of Badr at Mustansir's court. 

io Wiistenfeld, loc. cit., p. 38; Besant and Palmer, Jerusalem (New York, 1890), pp. 120-22. 

^ Die synagogale Poesie des Mittelalters (Berlin, 1855); Literaturgeschichte der syna- 
gogalen Poesie (Berlin, 1865). 

12 Zur Geschichte der jildischen Poesie (Leipzig, 1836). 

13 Zur Kenntniss der neuhebrdischen religibsen Poesie (Frankfurt, 1842). 

ii Jillische Dichtungen der spanischen und italienischen Schule (Leipzig, 1856); Divan 
des Abu'l Hassan Juda ha-Levi (Breslau, 1851); Salomo Gabirol und seine Dichtungen 
(Leipzig, 1867). 

15 Cf. Dukes, 7oc. cit., especially pp. 16-29, 112-35. 

i« E. g., 11. 7, 12, 13, 15, 16, 18, 19, 26, 28, et al. 

i' Cf. Caspari- Wright, Arabic Grammar, 3d ed., Vol. II, p. 360. 

is ^ | v || w | v ||. The Hebrew name for this metre is 

nmcn pi nb-n .mnsn tubi -nrn ,m:n3n im»i mm- This is the metre 

adopted in the well-known hymn of the Jewish liturgy beginning with the line 

anni -nr^ bs nyh% ,!f§ri -vipx nb'iy pis 

See Rosin, Abraham Ibn Ezra (Breslau, 1885), Introduction, §6, p. 9. 

19 LI. 11, 22, 25, 109, 112, 117, 131, 142, 143, 146, 147, 148, 150 end in Q13 . 

20 See note 51. 

21 Literaturgeschichte der synagogalen Poesie, p. 30. 

22 See Zunz, Synagogale Poesie, p. 118, and Beilage, pp. 374-77. 

23 Cf. NOldeke, Delectus Veterum Carminum Arabicorum (Berlin, 1890), pp. 64, 70, 75, 77 
79, et al. 

UCf. Ibn Ezra, ed. Kahana, Vol. I, pp. 156-60 (poems on chess play), pp. 191-204 (elegy 
on the destruction of Jewish communities in Spain) ; Halevi, ed. Harkavy, Vol. I, pp. 
25-31 et al. 

25 Schechter, Saadyana (Cambridge, 1903), Fragment XXXVIII, pp. 80-104. 

26 Jewish Quarterly Review, Vol. XV, pp. 79-96. 

27 Two years, according to Ibn Daud, Sefer Ha-Kabbalah, ed. Neubauer, Mediceval 
Jewish Chronicles, Vol. I, p. 67; cf. Gratz, Geschichte der Juden, Vol. VI, p. 14; a longer 
period according to Chronicles of Jerahmeel, ed. Neubauer, loc. cit., Vol. I, p. 177; cf. Bacher 
loc. cit., p. 80. 

28 Jewish Quarterly Review, Vol. XIV, p. 233. 29 ibid., Vol. I, p. 178. 

30 Bacher, loc. cit., p. 82; Epstein in the Monatsschrift, Vol. XLVII, p. 345, objects to 
Bacher's assumption on the ground that Solomon ben Yehudah is not mentioned as a 
Kohen, a pedigree of which the Palestinian Geonim were particularly proud. Posnanski, 
however, in his Schechter s Saadyana (Frankfort, 1903), agrees with Bacher. Cf. Schechter, 
loc. cit., p. 81, n. 1. That the gaon preceding Joseph was called Solomon is further sup- 
ported by the fragment in Amram's collection, referred to later. 

31 Schechter, loc. cit., p. 88, 1. 12. 32 ibid., 1. 15. 

33 See " Historical Sketch," p. 5. # 

3 * Bacher, loc. cit., p. 92, and Jewish Encyclopedia, Vol. V, p. 572. 

35 Schechter, loc. cit., p. 88, 11. 9, 10. 36 Ibid., 1. 18. 37 ibid., p. 81. 

38 Cf. Schechter, loc. cit., Fragment XL; Goldziher, Jewish Quarterly Review, Vol. XV 
pp. 73, 74. 

39 Died 1084; Schechter, loc. cit., p. 89, 1. 23. 



28 Julius H. Greenstone 

40 b"2T rQ^n nX C1DT "V2 )7\2T\ "TOb"©, quoted ibid., p. 81, n. 2, last name. 

il Cf. Gaster, in Gedenkbuch zur Erinnerung an David Kauffmann (Breslau, 1900), pp. 
230, 241, Nos. XV and XVI. 

42 npy i "I ISO was the name of the Palestinian academy, and the title STQ^'C' lDitfl 
Hpy* 1 Tl^G was the official title borne by the Geonim ; cf. Schechter, loc. cit., p. 81, n. 1. 

«b&niin br> bin -pi rv» n». 

« Cf. ibid., p. 82, n. 4. 

«/6id.,p.88,i.8,n^3iw "to "jron imbai -jnDn dot. 

*6 ibid., p. 88, 11. 17-19. « Z6id., Fragment XII. 

*8 Ps. 96 : 10 ; c/. Ps. 9:9. « p s . 93 : 5. 50 c/. Ps. 68 : 6. 

si Arabic influence. It is the custom of Arabic poets to begin their poems with a rhe- 
torical question. Cf. Ibn Hisham, 516, 517; Ibn Athir, 3, 152, et at. 

5-' Job 37:14; cf. Mic. 7:15; Ps. 78:11. See Schechter, Saadyana, nitfinb "TfiXbS 
(Cambridge, 1893), Fragment XVII, 1. 6, p. 46. 

53 Analogy of triliterals for the purpose of perfecting the rhyme. The regular form 
would be Cnn; cf. 2 Sam. 20:18. 

5t Regular appellation of the Fatimide dynasty of caliphs. 

55 Mentioned in the Bible as the son of Ishmael (Gen. 25:13; 1 Chron. 1:29) ; also as the 
name of a tribe of nomads in the Arabian desert (Isa. 21:16; 42:11; 60:7; Jer. 2:10; 49:28; 
Ezek. 27:21; et al.). In mediaeval Jewish literature this name was used generically for all 
Mohammedans. See Ibn Ezra's commentary to Dan. 11:30, fllDblO lUXl "■llpn IHT 
b^y^TU" 1 TP2 ; also Rosin's edition of Ibn Ezra's Poems (Breslau, 1887), Vol. II, p. 90, 
n.6; Halevi, ed.Harkavy (Warsaw. 1893), Vol. II, p. 11 ; Al-Charizi, Tachkemoni, ed. Kaminka 
(Warsaw, 1899), pp. 8, 118; Schechter, loc. cit., Fragment XXIII, verso 1. 8, p. 50. Kedar is 
also supposed to have been the ancestor of Mohammed himself, according to Arabic 
tradition; see Caussin de Perceval, Essai, Vol. I, 175, quoted in Jewish Encyclopedia, Vol. 
VIII, p. 462. 

56 Cf, Job 11:6. Masculine instead of feminine ending (Ps. 44:22) for the sake of the 
rhyme. M w 

57 The full name of the caliph is i\x* |*A*5 «-?! xJJU -sG,XZ»*+}\ . The 

author transferred the last phrase for the sake of the rhyme and added JtfirU the last X 
of which is also to be joined to the next word. 

58 The word D^p i which is frequently used by the mediaeval payyetanim as one of the 
epithets by which God is described (cf. IBIIpl D11*01 JtfUD □"■pi TJ , used as a refrain 
in various parts of the liturgy for the holidays ; cf. Berakoth, 32a), is probably borrowed from 

G Z- 
the Arabic i**^' "lasting, unchangeable, God." Cf. Ben Sira [ed. Levi], 42:23, note m. 

59 117113 denoting ethical purity is found only in the later books of the Bible (Job 
14:4; Prov. 22:11), and rarely used as a noun {cf. Eccles. 9:2, where it is used in parallelism 
with p"H2£ and 2113 )• Li rabbinic and mediaeval Jewish literature this word is also 
rarely used as a noun (c/. Baba Mezia', 86a, HiTQ ^rTQlBSI 1*17113 'fD'OT)- 

go Cf. Shabbath, 336, in interpretation of Gen. 33 : 18. In later Hebrew DblU is used in a 
more abstract sense, denoting intellectual and moral perfection. It is frequently employed 
in the long epithets preceding the name of one to whom a letter is addressed, either with or 
without the word 037171 • 
■ eiHapax., Ps. 63:2. 

62 nDiriD as applied to the caliphate, and "jTlD (h 8) to the caliph, is rather unusual. 

The Arabic ^v-S&vj (Kor., LII, 29) is applied to a soothsayer, usually the instrument of 
a demon. It is sometimes also used in the sense of priest. The Hebrew fTID » besides its 
regular meaning, is sometimes used to denote a king or a prince (Gen. 14:18; Exod. 2:16; 
3:1; 18:1; Zech. 6:13; cf. 2 Sam. 8: 18, where the children of David are called D^ZTID : also 
20:26, where Ira the Jairite is called 11"lb *jHD)« From Gen. 14:18 it appears that the 
king, who also performed priestly functions, was given the name of "THD • This may be the 
reason why our author uses this designation for the Egyptian caliph, who was regarded 
as the ecclesiastical chief of the Mohammedan world, at least by his followers. 



The Turkoman Defeat at Caieo 29 

MThis plural of !"i72i$ is found only once (Ps. 117:1); otherwise the plural is PITERS 
(Gen. 25:16 LIshmaell, Xumb. 25:15 [MidianJ). The form D" ! '53"iX is not found in the Bible'; 
cf. 1. 12, where the 1 is omitted. 

64 Cf. 2 Sam. 23:17, aPTDS22 Dublin (A. V. " that went in jeopardy of their lives"). 
The expression 1522 D" 1 *TL*n is frequently used in payyetanic literature to denote the idea 
of sacrificing oneself: see Zunz. Literaturgeschichte der synagojalen Puesie. p. 641, n. 15. 

65 See Judg. 11 : 6. 11 ; Josh. 10 : 24. 

66 Especially applied to divine abode: see Ps. 6S:6; 90:1; 2 Chron. 19:27; cf. Mont- 
gomery, "The Place," Journal of Biblical Literature, Yol. XXTV, Part I (1905). p. 26. 

6T See 2 Sam. 19: 4. 68 Ezek. 21 : 14, 33. 

69 In biblical usage "extreme" (Ps. 134: 22). In rabbinic literature it sometimes has the 
meaning of destruction, in the same sense as used here; cf. Numb. Eabba. XYIII. 12. 

■('Late Hebrew (Ezra 10:14; Xeh. 10:35; 13:31). and rabbinic. The regular term for 
the summons of the court of justice is Pi 2 12 " (Kiddushin, 70a). 

"icy. Ps. 78:69. 

72 Aramaic and rabbinic (Hulin, 33a). probably related to the Arabic <dA..'CS£ — "to cut 
through, tear through." hence "decide" (Dan. 9:24); cf. Barth, Etymologische Studien^ 
p. 23; Kohut. Aruch Completum, s. v. 

'3 Denominative from b^X ("strength," Ps. 22:20; 88:5). The verb is not found; cf 
Schechter. loc. cit., p. 111. Fragment XLI, 1. 7. 

T ±The verb not found in the Bible. In rabbinic literature it means '"to be pleasant" 
(Lam. Eabba, I, 38; Gen. Eabba. LXXXY. 4; Sukkah. 51a). and also "to be intoxicated" 
(Megillah. 76: Baba Bathra, 736; Shabbath, 666 ; Sanhedrin, 38a), probably associated with 

the Arabic iv^J = " to l au gh* to be cheerful." The term B125 > 12 l 52 is used in common 
parlance as a euphemism for "drunk." For the expression D'lTIZl^ JT^ see Cant. 4:10. 

~-j Befers to Badr al-Jamali, at that time about sixty-two years old. He is probably the 
same one referred to in 1. 11 as P1X222 ""^p i since he held both offices at that time, that 
of chief of the army, chief kadi and chief court preacher; see "Historical Sketch, p. 9." 

~ rj Rabbinic, "completion, perfection" (Baba Mezia\ 766); also "to make a sign" (c/. 
'"C'C ■ Arab. L+Ajww , Gr. o-j)m.o.). Here marks of distinction that were conferred upon 
Badr by the caliph. 

" Cf. Cant. 4:2; 6:6; for the idea, cf. Ps. 133 : 1 ; see Zunz, loc. cit., pp. 69, 648. Probably 
refers to the friendship that existed between Badr and Mustansir. 

s Lsed here in the same sense as the Arabic phrase S*-^-« (J<J ^a/ in every 

instance. The more usual form in mediaeval Hebrew, however, is D">2S >D b3? • 

~'*Cf. Mai. 3:4; Ps. 104:34. - 

80 A play on pfcjlO 23? (Deut. 7 :6; 14:2; 26: 18; cf. Eccles. 2:8; Baba Bathra, 52a). 
The term bljiD is not found. Used in later Hebrew in describing a man who is beloved by 
the people or by his fellow-students ; see Schechter, loc. cit., p. 63, n. 4. 

81 "Greetings;" cf. Berakoth, 14a. 

82 Meaning somewhat obscure. 

&3Exod. 30:24("in sacred oil"); Ezek. 27 : 19 (" merchandise") ; see Low. Aramaische 
Pflanzennamen, §§290, 295. 

8i An epithet given to Israel; see Ps. 68:7, and Eashi, ad loc: cf. in liturgy for the 
festival of Sukkoth. Hosha'anot, s. v. mSI/l "^X EX . "pmb ""PiT 1 "the only one 
(Israel) to proclaim Thy unity." 

85 m" 1 !! = " allegory, parable " (Prov. 1:6; Ezek. 17:2); E'CT^ri =" musing, medita- 
tion" (Ps. 19: 5). Plural not found. " With earnest prayer." 

86 Play on caliph's name. 

87 Cf. Exod. 14 : 24 ; 23 : 27 ; see 1. 3 and note. 

88 Hiphil not found. S9 Cf. Deut. 14 : 1. 

90 "Charity." later usage of the word. Cf. Berakoth, 66, tfnp"S BttTOOTH tf"D& 
" the merit in fasting lies in the charity distributed on that day." 



30 Julius H. Greenstone 

91 Cf. r Aboda Zarah, 76. 

92 This form of the plural is found only in Dan. 9 : 24, 25, 26 ; 10 : 2, 3 ; otherwise ni37"QE5 
<Exod. 34:22; Deut. 16:9, 10, et ah). 

93 Cf. Ps. 42 : 4 ; 22 : 3. 9* Cf. Deut. 32 : 4. 

95 As a rule, used in Niphal with b ((Ten. 25:21; Isa. 19:22). 

96 Cf. Ps. 64 : 3. 

97 See liturgy for Musaf of the Day of Atonement ('Abodah), s. v. 1^3137 211)21 , 
where an alphabetical list is given of objects that Israel missed after the destruction of the 
temple. Cf. 1 Sam. 28 :6. 

9« The lowest form of prophecy (Gen. 37 : 5-9 ; 40 : 8-19 ; chap. 41 ; Numb. 12 : 6 ; Job. 33 : 15 ; 
et ah). Much importance was attached to dreams in talmudic times, the most famous 
rabbis discussing dreams and their consequences with the greatest earnestness. Cf. 
especially Berakoth, 55a-576; Hagigah, 56. In the Middle Ages dreams were regarded by 
Jews with much concern (see Halevi, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 61, and Harkavy's note on p. 190), 
and to the present time Jews go to the rabbi for the purpose of having their dreams inter- 
preted (see Jewish Encyclopedia, s. v. " Dreams"). 

99 Cf. Jer. 5:26; Hab. 1:15. 

10o nnD with 5 not found in Bible, usually takes direct object (Exod. 22:15; Jer. 20:7). 

a • 

if'Aram. fc$T2lnn , Arab. iv^V-> = "boundary." In rabbinic legal phraseology, refer- 
ring to the distance one may walk outside of the city limits on the sabbath, the term DUID 
rfltO denotes 2,000 cubits on each side of the city; 'Erubin, 516, et ah 

102 Cf. Hab. 3 : 15 ; Job 9:8; *]11 without preposition is unusual. 

103 Characteristic of Egypt ; cf. Exod. 7 : 19 ; 8:1. 

loi Lev. 19:18; Nah. 1:2; in later Hebrew the phrase assumed a stronger meaning, 
*' vindictive; " cf. Shabbath, 63a," Yoma, 23a. 

105 "Royal canopy" (Jer. 43:10). In the translation the view expressed by Bacher 
(Jewish Quarterly Review, Vol. XV, p. 87, n. 1), identifying THDIE with Fostat, was 
adopted; cf. Schechter, loc. cit., Fragment XXXVIII, p. 89, 1. 28 and n. 12. For the ety- 
mology of THSIj!) see Delitzsch, Prolegomena, p. 126. 

106 Cf. Deut. 28 : 8 ; Prov. 3 : 10. 

107 Denominative from *|TDtf ; cf. Numb. Rabba, VIIT, 4. 

los Cf. Judg. 5:30 ("spoils of war"); Ezek. 26: 16 ("garments of princes"). 

109 Form probably influenced by D^VYM 5 DW = "in battle array " (Exod. 
13 : 18 ; Numb. 32 : 17 ; Josh. 1 : 14 ; 4 : 12 ; Judg. 7 : 11 ; cf. Halevi, loc. cit., Vol. I, p. 28 = " ready, 
prepared"). 

"o Cf. Gen. 15:9; Ezek. 42:6; Eccles. 4: 12; here probably denominative from "©">bl2? = 
"officer" (Exod. 14:7; 2 Kings 7: 2, 17, 19; 9:25; 15:25). Perhaps "divided in lines of five 
and three." 

in "Terrors," ancient inhabitants of Moab (Gen. 14:5; Deut. 2:10, 11; Jer. 50:38; 
and Targum Jonathan, ad loc, see 1. 115). 

112 Cf. 1 Sam. 17: 38; Ezek. 23: 24 = 37H3 , Ezek. 27: 10; Isa. 59: 17. 

H3 QA Jer. 6:23; 50:42. 

in Cf. Lam. 3:13 (HSIDK ^H); see Job 39:23; nSTDtf niDl not found. 

H5 Arab. Jk*0 , Aram. fcO' 1 © , is recorded as having been used by Antiochus in his wars 

against the Maccabbees, for the purpose of carrying confusion into the ranks of the enemy 
(2 Mace. 15:20; 3 Mace. 5:2; 1 Mace. 1:16; 4:30). In the Talmud better known because of 
its size than because of the noise it produced (Berakoth, 556; Skabbath, 776; cf. Lewysohn, 
Zoolocjie des Talmuds, §173). 

»6 Qf. Isa. 17: 12. 

11' Aramaic construction, accusative suffix with pronoun. 

118 bTQ in the sense of "opposite to" or "against" is not biblical; it usually means 
■" in front of" without any idea of opposition. 

H9 Denominative from Til} ; cf. Jer. 5:7; Mic. 4: 14. 
120 C/. Isa. 28:11; 32:4; 33:19. 



The Turkoman Defeat at Cairo 31 

121 Reduplication from 2^7 s which is not found as a verb, but as a noun, indicating a 
heterogeneous body attached to a people (Neh. 18:3; Exod. 12:38 [^"1 317 ; perhaps 
reduplicated for emphasis, as in fjlp JlpS > Isa. 61:1; riTY^E "IS Jib , Isa. 2:30; see 
Olshausen, Hebrdische Grammatik, p. 354]). In rabbinic literature this reduplication 
occurs with the meaning of mixing, confounding (Sanhedrin, 42a, - Targum to Numb. 11:4 
[30DO&5 = "pmnny]; Kil'aim, V, 1, Exod. Rabba, XI, 3). 

122 Armenians were known to the Jews as early as the time of the Maccabbees ( Josephus> 
Antiquities, XIII, 14, 4; cf. Yebamoth. 45a [captives that came from Armenia], cf. Neubauer, 
La g£ographie du Thalmud, pp. 370, 371). 

123 Regularly used by mediaeval Jewish writers to designate Christians, while " Ishmael ' T 
was the collective name for Mohammedans; see Rosin, Ibn Ezra, Yol. II, p. 90, n. 6; cf. 
1. 4, n. 55. 

i2*Ionians, Greeks (Ezek. 27:13; Joel 14:6); descendants of Javan, son of Japheth 
(Gen. 10: 2; cf. Baba Kama, 826; Megillah, 9a; et al.). 

125 Cf. Gen. 10 : 3 ; Jer. 51 : 27 ; see Gen. Rabba, XXXVII, 1, where all three n£"H TZDTEK 
rPS^Jtirn are identified with fc$lpij)2H3 ; see Yoma, 106. In modern Hebrew this is the 
common appellation for Germany. See Jewish Encyclopedia, Yol. II, s. v. "Ashkenazim." 

] 26Gen. 10: 3; cf. Josephus, Antiquities, I, 4, 1 = Paphlogonians. 

127 Gen. 10 : 3 ; Ezek. 27 : 14. 12s Cf. Hagigah, 36. 

129 Cf. Isa. 38: 16; Job 39: 4. In rabbinic literature used in opposition to ni21TU (Rosh 
Hashanah, 28a; Tosefta Terumoth, I, 3; cf. Ibn Ezra, Poems [ed. Kahana], Yol. I. p. 58). 

130 Cf. Isa. 6 : 11. m Cf. Exod. 4 : 14. 132 Cf. Esther 4 : 13. 13<* Cf. Neh. 5 : 7. 
13* In the sense of "to fool, deceive ; " cf. 1 Kings 18 : 27 ; Job 17 : 2. 

135 Obscure. Perhaps from rabbinic mnfl = " boundary, to surround " (Baba Bathra, 
56a; Pesikta,1376). The context, however, points to Q^QnTlS being the object of D^TQIX 
and not an epithet of Q"H37- It is possible that it was meant to convey some such idea as 
"let us warm up, be inspired with hope " (D^GnDiK but this is very much forced. 

136 Cf. Isa. 29 : 10 ; 33 : 15. 137 Cf. Lam. 4 : 20. 

138 Cf. 1. 79 Q^T is added to fill up the line and for the sake of the rhyme. 

139 Cf Halevi (ed. Harkavy), Yol. I, p. 93, D^nn }Vb3 'pE' 1 1173123 DbD"l 
referring to nature generally. Here the reference is to sins that are recorded in heaven ; cf. 
Musaf prayer for the New Year and the Day of Atonement, s. v. Clpn nilTlZI < "where it is 
supposed that every man testifies to his sins by his own signature "O D"S 3D T DJlim* 

1M Cf. Gen. 7 : 4, 23 ; Deut. 11 : 6, not found in plural. 

i*i Reduplication from "]D1 or fc$Dl = "to crush;"' cf. Targum to Ps. 143:3; Lev. 
Rabba, XXXIV, 6; cf. Ben Sira (ed. Levi), 4:2. 

1*2 " Silent, resigned," but perhaps " hopeful ; " cf. Ps. 37 : 7 ; 62 : 6 ; Job 29 : 21. In 'Aboda 
of Jose ben Jose, u^TCl = " dead; " see Zunz, Synagogale Poesie, p. 27. 

i*3 See "Historical Sketch, 1 ' pp. 9, 10. The second attack on Jerusalem occurred after 
the incident narrated here, but soon after. The expression " two years" is inaccurate, for 
the first conquest of Jerusalem took place in 463 A. H., while the second attack occurred in 
469 A. H. 

1+*" Hateful, Rated" (cf. Prov. 22:14, 1*1 mJT = "be with whom God is angry, the 
abhorred of God") ; cf. Halevi, Vol. I, p. 93, D'WyTH T^l = "hateful moments." 

1*5 Cf. Dan. 11 : 36. 1*6 Cf. Esther 2 : 1 ; 7 : 10. i*~ Cf. Isa. 24 : 19*. 

1*8 Cf. Ps. 29 : 9 ; Jer. 49 : 10. 149 Hos. 2:5; Jer. 51 : 34. 

'53 Cf. Isa. 57:5, from D"53n = "inflame themselves." Here possibly from 2H* = "con- 
sole themselves." 

151 "Of noble descent; " cf. Tosefta Shekalim, II, 16. 

152 "Delicate, daintily bred" (rttD7'52 , Jer. 6:2; rtt!7 , Deut. 28:56); cf. Gittin, 56a, 
the story of Martha, daughter of Boetus. 

153 Cf. Lev. 13:45; Ezek. 24:17,22; Mic. 3: 7, prescribed for the mourner and for the 
leper. The reason for this custom in the case of the mourner has been variously explained 
by critics. The view of the older critics (Kamphausen,Hitzig, and Smend), that this was 
to serve as a symbol to the mourner that he was not to speak, although somewhat supported 
by rabbinic tradition, is rightly criticised by Frey [Altisraelitische Totentrauer [Jurjev, 
1898], pp. 10-12). His criticism may further be corroborated by the fact that in Lev. 13:45 
the leper is commanded to cover his lips and to cry out : " Unclean ! Unclean ! " The expla- 
nation offered by Frey, however, is rather unsatisfactory, nor does Schwally (Leben nach 



32 Julius H. Greenstone 

dem Tode [Giessen, 1892], p. 16) offer a satisfactory explanation of this custom. More con- 
vincing is the suggestion of Toy (Polychrome Bible, Ezek. 24:17, note), that, in mourning, 
one is to reverse his habit of life. The beard was regarded as an ornament, hence it must 
be covered during the period of mourning. The difficulty only is that QDHJ does not mean 
the beard ; at most it can have reference to the mustache. 

According to rabbinic law, neither the mourner nor the leper was permitted to accost 
friends with the usual greeting. While in the case of the leper the law was derived from 
the expression QSUJ by 711227 , in the case of the mourner the law was based on another 
expression (QT pS^H'. Ezek. 24:17). They also identified the covering of the head with 
the covering of the lips, thus making it obligatory upon the mourner and the leper to cover 
the head up to the lip, "like the covering of the Ishmaelites" (D" 1 bitf37 , 52'l2}' 1 nE^IO^D ; 
Mo'ed Katan, 15a; cf. Jastrow, Dictionary, s. v. ri5' 1 T2iP)- 

151 See n. 142. This would point to the view that the covering of the lips was regarded 
as a symbol of silence. Cf., however, Brown's edition of Gesenius, Heb. Dictionary, s. v. 
CQI, II, where the word is also given the meaning of "wailing 1 ' (Ass. damamu), especially 
in Isa. 23:2; cf. Delitzsch, Prolegomena, p. 64, n. 2. 

155 Cf. Dan. 10 : 21 ; see n. 139. 156 Cf. Isa. 3 : 12 ; 9 : 15. 157 Cf. Jer. 4 : 22. i&s Cf. Isa. 3 : 4. 

i59"By halters, muzzled;" cf. Ps. 32:9; Hulin, 89a (based on Job 26:7); Targum to 
Isa. 32:4. 

160 Cf. Zech. 1 : 14 ; 8 : 2 ; Joel 2 : 18 ; Ezek. 39 : 25. 

iftiFrom JTYT (= "scatter," Ezek. 5:10, 12). 

162 ''Carried away as by a flood ;" cf. Ps. 90: 5 ; 77 : 18. 133 Cf. Deut. 29 : 28. 

161(7/. Jer. 2:22. This is rather an unusual meaning given to the word DJ1D • I Q 
rabbinic literature it is used as a technical term, referring to a dark-red stain on a woman's 

V 

•clothes or body, as an indication of uncleanliness (Niddah, 46, 5a; cf. Syr. >c£wO = "stain"). 
In the Bible it means "gold" (Prov. 25:12; Job 28:19; Cant. 5:11; Lam. 14:1). In later 
Hebrew it means "a stain," from which the idea of "sin" or a " stain on the soul" was 
taken (cf. Isa. 1: 18; Midrash Tehillim to Ps. 16: 1; Halevi, Poems, Vol. II, p. 32). Here the 
meaning probably is " they multiplied sins," a play on HDll? and "J312J . 

165 Cf. Hos. 4:2; Alcharizi, Tachkemoni (ed. Kaminka), p. 81. . 166 Cf. Deut. 25: 19. 

167 Arab. *3 \ , Aram. tf'Qn'H = a kind of brown plant (Ps. 120:4; Job 30:4). It is 

supposed to produce great heat and retain the heat for a long time (see Low, Aramaische 
Pflanzennamen, p. 366; cf. Cheyne, to Ps. 120:4). The embers of this plant are taken as a 
symbol for various things (cf. Midrash Tebillim, ad loc), but especially for the fire of 
Gehenna ('Arakin, 156) ; cf. services for the Eve of Atonement, s. v. CmnD )• 

168 C/. Jer. 3:3. 169 Cf. Ps. 65 : 11. 1™ Cf. Isa. 1 : 9. ni Cf. Mai. 3: 24. 

172 Cf, Jer. 2:20. "Assyrians and Northerners" here seem to refer to no particular 
nation, but used as a general appellation for the enemy. 

173 A strange expression; cf. Prov. 23:25; Ps. 74:6; Halevi, Poems, Vol. I, p. 63. 

i'i For the derivation of the word j£v H \sk£ see Butler, Arabic Conquest of Egypt 
{Oxford, 1902), p. 340 and note; cf. Bacher, Jewish Quarterly Review, Vol. XV, p. 87, n. 1; see 
n. 105. 

"5 Cf. Numb. 24 : 3, 15 ; Gen. 19 : 11. 

176C/. Ps. 22:22; Deut. 33:17; Shabbath, 1076; 'Abodah Zarah, 36; Zebahim, 1136; cf. 
Cant. 6:4, 10; see Delitzsch, Prolegomena, pp. 58 sqq., a disquisition on the word >}" and 
its usage in Assyrian. For Qfc$1 cf. ibid., pp. 15 sqq., 23; Lewysohn, Zoologie des Talmuds, 
§174. 

1" See "Historical Sketch," p. 9. 

178 "Good star, or luck," the regular greeting among Jews on joyous occasions. 5T)2 
meaning "luck" is frequently used in rabbinic literature (Ta'ahith, 296; Shabbath, 536; 
et al.). Our author is especially fond of this expression ; see 11. 119, 130. 

no The plural of pl3"l or HDD1 (Job 3:7) is found once as IY1331 (Ps. 63:6). The 
plural D^DDH is found in Job 39:13, meaning "singing birds." 

iso "Like as," "about " (Kethuboth, 17a; Shabbath, 51a; Mishnah Berakoth, V, 5). 

181 The number 200 days is probably very nearly correct. Damascus was taken by Atsiz 
in Du-1 'Hijja of 468, and the siege of Cairo took place in 469 (Jumada II, 24), which would 
make the intervening period about six months. 



The Turkoman Defeat at Caieo 33 

1S2 Probably a reminiscence of the Israelitish camp in the wilderness that was protected 
by a column of cloud by day and by a column of light by night (Exod. 13 : 21, 22 ; Deut. 1 : 33 ; 
c/. Ps. 18:12; Job 36: 39; Lam. 3:43). 

183 Probably shortened from fc$2" , l ; cf. Zunz. Synagogale Poesie, p. 121. 

18+ Analogy of Y'!T verbs. 

1S5 D" , 12" 1 K added for the rhyme ; cf. Tachkemoni (ed. Kaminka), p. 81, where S^lfl^X is 
used as plural of rVCX ; otherwise the plural is riTE^X (Ps. 55:5). 

186 An Aramean or Arabic tribe against whom the Eeubenites waged war during the 
reign of Saul (1 Chron. 5 :10, 19). In the last-quoted verse it is mentioned in connection with 
TYE" 1 a n( i TCS- (c/. Gen. 25:15; 1 Chron. 1:31), thus indicating the descent from Ishmael 
{cf. Ps. 83:7). In rabbinical times and in mediaeval Jewish literature Hagri was identified 
with Arabia, and later generally with the Mohammedan world (Numb. Rabba, XIII, 3; 
Halevi. Poems. Yol. II, p. 20; Tachkemoni. ed. Kaminka, p. 10; cf. Kaempf, Die erste 
Makamen aus dem Tachkemoni oder Divan des Charizi [Berlin. 1815], p. 72. n. 11). It is also 
identified with Hungary, especially by modern Jewish writers; see Jeicish Encyclopedia, 
s. v. "Hagar," "Hagrim." 

18T Cf. Judg. 5:14; Neh. 9: 22. 24. 

188 Cf. Ps. 33:10; "1*12 perhaps a reminiscence of the caliph's name. 

1S9C/. Isa. 2:9, 11,17. 

190 Favorite expression with mediaeval Jewish poets, especially with Halevi; see his 
Poems, ed Harkavy, Yol. I, pp. 48, 50. 97. 123. 12S, 144; Yol. II, pp. 48. 49. 51. 52; et al. The 
expression ^2 tTl31 is not found in the Bible ; cf. Job 38: 22, J"P33 b^ lE^ . 

191 Arabic influence |V*^^-M ^jv » <v »wJ| xJJI . In Hebrew liturgic literature the 

usual expression is D^^niH 5X • 

i 9 '2 Deut. 2:20; name given by the Amonites to the Eephaim who once inhabited their 
land, but had afterward been expelled by them, a people " great and many and tall like the 
Anakim ;" cf. Driver, ad loc. ; Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible, s. v. Here used figuratively 
for a strong people. 

193 Cf. Ps. 136 : 17, 18 ; 135 : 10. 194 Cf. Ps. 38 : 14. 

195 nyfE with 2 means "to delight in" (Ps. 119:117); here, however, "to listen to 
prayer;'" cf. Gen. 4:4, 5; see Delitzsch, Prolegomena, p. 39. 7." 2 , meaning "to pray." is 
found in the Bible (Isa. 53:12; Jer. 36:25), and also in rabbinic literature. (Hulin, 916; 
Gen. Rabba. LXYIII, 11, referring to Gen. 28: 11; cf. Rashi, ad loc). 

196 Perhaps DTfffn "benumbed, dead;" cf. Esther Rabba. YII, 18, Yozer for Purim 

19' Cf. liturgy for Shabu'oth. s. v., D^pITI miSE "IDS, where the same form 
occurs; Berliner, Synagogale Poesie (Berlin, 1884), Yol. I, p. 18. 

198 Cf. hymn in daily liturgy, s. v. sbl? THS t SIST! mtl Sim .mH KVT1 

masra mm. 

199 Plural not found. As verb found only in Kal. Jer. 23 : 31. 

2l *>Quadriliteral from COD, with the insertion of 1 (Ps. 80:14); cf. rab. "0"C 
^cut, prune," (of insects) "bite, nibble" (Peah. II. 7: Shabbath. XII, 2); cf. Arab. 

-"- I " » -S" 

\J c y* ~ " to cut," and Saadia's commentary to Ps. 80 : 14, L.2-0 *Jl> . 

2 °i This passage may be taken to refer either to the chiefs of the enemy coming to the 
king with baskets on their shoulders (as a sign of submission; cf. Ps. 81:7. and Delitzsch. 
ad loc), or to lie heads, literally, of the enemy being brought to the king by his own officers 
in baskets, as a sign of victory {cf. 2 Kings 10: 17, the heads of the children of Ahab brought 
to Jehu). The first rendering is adopted in the translation, although the second is also 
possible. 

202 Cf. Esther 8:5 with ">2£b ; passive participle not found in the Bible; in rabbinic 
literature usually spelled without ^ and has the meaning of "accessible, frequent" 
('Arakin, 306; Sanhedrin. 86a). The meaning here is obscure. They came (to meet) the 
king who is given to grace, magnanimity (?). Emendation of TOSE would not be borne 
out by the context. 

203 Obscure. " Presents, gifts " (?) ; cf. Pesahim, 216, but there TXSVft • Perhaps " the 
star was powerful in their being delivered.'' 1 



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201 Cf. Judg. 19:29, 30, the incident at Gibea, when the man cut his Pilegesh into twelve 
pieces, which he sent to the twelve tribes of Israel in order to incite them to war against the 
inhabitants of Gibea. 

205 c/. Gen. 41:8; Dan. 2:1. 

206 From *p3 or "j^ "to establish, arrange; 1 " *jDP means "appointed measure or 
number" (Exod. 5:18; Ezek. 45:11) ; here, probably, "fixity, immovableness, soundness." 

207 Connected with 3?!23D (Exod. 21:25) "wound;" lit. "split open" (comp. Arab. j»*a» 
= " crack"); cf. Ps. 60:4. ' 

208 Appellation given to Ishmael (Mohammedan world generally); cf. Halevi, Poems 
ed. Harkavy, Vol. II, pp. 61, 151. 

209 cf. Sanhedrin, 91a; see n. 142. 

210 Cf. 1 Kings 13:24, 25, 28; Jer. 36:30. 
2ii Cf. Exod. 8: 10. 

2i2Hapax., Cant. 2:11. 

213 Form not found ; cf. Job 37 : 17 ( U^ISH ) ; see Jer. 36 : 30 for the idea. 

2i4C/.Ps. 118:22. 

215 C/. Ps. 126; Elttbtf found only once (Gen. 37:7), usually nTBbtf (Gen. 37:7; Ps. 
126:6) ; reminiscences of Joseph's dream. 

216 Monday, Shebat 26, 4837 A. M. ; January 23, 1077 ; Jumada II, 24, 469. WXWl SDIX 
Arabic influence. D^EPBt&'b = 1009 ' if we consider the final □ as 600; cf. KOnig, Lehr 
gebdude der hebraischen Sprache, Vol. II, Div. 1, p. 231. 

217 See " The Author," p. 14. 218 Cf. Ps. 33 : 4. 

219 The numerical value of DTjp = 1^9. Ctjp = " cutting off, lopping, chopping off 

s y y s s s 

(Arab. *h2 = *0ai); cf. Shebi'ith, II, 4; Sukkah, III, 4; et al.; refers to the destruction 
of the enemy. 

220 c/. Prov. 3:15. 



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